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Health Psychol. Evaluating brief motivational and self-regulatory hand hygiene interventions: a cross-over longitudinal design. BMC Public Health. Social cognitive theory applied to health behavior. J Emerg Nurs. J Nurs Care. Rosenberg A. Perceived barriers to adherence to standard precautions among healthcare personnel working in a teaching Hospital of Palpa District, Nepal. J Lumbini Med Coll. Predictors for compliance of standard precautions among nursing students. Self-efficacy: the exercise of control: Springer; Oh E, Choi JS.

Factors influencing the adherence of nurses to standard precautions in South Korea hospital settings. Kim H, Hwang YH. Factors contributing to clinical nurse compliance with infection prevention and control practices: a cross-sectional study.

Nurs Health Sci. An exploratory study of safety culture, biological risk management and hand hygiene of healthcare professionals. J Adv Nurs. Barriers to standard precautions adherence in a dental school in Iran: a qualitative study. Environmental factors and their association with emergency department hand hygiene compliance: an observational study.

BMJ Qual Saf. Leigh L. Download references. We would like to express our gratitude and appreciation to all respected professors, Heads of hospitals and their nursing staff participants in this study, and we wish God the best for each of these dear ones. The authors thanks to the many colleagues whose vignettes about dilemmas of improving quality shaped this paper, and the anonymous reviewers for their suggestions.

You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar. In this study, SM. M involved in the data collection. AJ and SB. TS analyzed and interpreted the data. M and D. RS drafted the manuscript. M and M. M designed and implemented of the project.

All authors read and approved final manuscript. Correspondence to Mehrsadat Mahdizadeh. Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article's Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material.

If material is not included in the article's Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. Reprints and Permissions. Mahdizadeh, SM. Predictors of preventive behavior of nosocomial infections in nursing staff: a structural equation model based on the social cognitive theory.

Download citation. Received : 19 December Accepted : 22 October Published : 31 October Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:. Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article. Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative.

Skip to main content. Search all BMC articles Search. Download PDF. Abstract Background The occurrence of nosocomial infections remains a health threat to patients and hospital staff. Conclusion Considering that self-regulation, outcome expectation and barriers have a significant effect on following the preventive behaviors of nosocomial infections in nursing staff. Background Although the quality of health services has been improved and infection prevention and control methods have been developed, the occurrence of nosocomial infections remains a health threat to patients and hospital staff [ 1 ].

Methods Study design, setting and participant requirement This study used a cross-sectional, self-reported design in evaluating the predictors of behaviors related to prevent and control nosocomial infections among nursing staff. Questionnaire This study used a self-report questionnaire to collect data. Table 1 The results of reliability tool based for the constructs of social cognitive theory Full size table. Theoretical model of Social cognitive theory. Full size image.

Results Participants had a mean of age Table 2 General Characteristics of Participants Full size table. Table 3 Direct and indirect effects of constructs social cognitive theory Full size table. Discussion In this study, the role of social cognitive theory constructs as predictive factors of behavior related to the control and prevention of nosocomial infections in hospital nursing staff was evaluated.

Yaghoubi Farani, A. Assessment of ecological and social impact of fadami dam construction on agricultural development of the area. Geography and Development Iranian Journal, 14 43 , 91— Yazdanpanah, M. Willingness of Iranian young adults to eat organic foods: application of the health belief model. Food Quality and Preference, 41, 75— Investigating the effect of moral norm and self-identity on the intention toward water conservation among Iranian young adults.

Water Policy, 18, 73— Agricultural Extension and Education Journal, 11 2 , 21— Zand Hesami, H. Journal of Development Evolution Management, 18, 23— Zhang, X. Zhang, L. Predicting climate change mitigation and adaptation behaviors in agricultural production: A comparison of the theory of planned behavior and the Value-Belief-Norm Theory.

Journal of Environmental Psychology. Zhang, Y. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 40, — Zhou, Z. The role of income level. Journal of Environmental Management, , Zhu, Y.

Resources and Environment in the Yangtze Basin, 29 10 , — Download references. You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar. Correspondence to Saeed Gholamrezai. Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Reprints and Permissions.

Gholamrezai, S. Understanding the pro-environmental behavior among green poultry farmers: Application of behavioral theories. Environ Dev Sustain 23, — Download citation. Received : 02 November Accepted : 11 March Published : 22 March Issue Date : November Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:. Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article. Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative.

Skip to main content. Search SpringerLink Search. Abstract Despite widespread economic growth and increasing quality of life in the last century, there are concerns that human activities have had a significant negative impact on the environment and these effects have reduced the power and sustainability of socio-economic systems.

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This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided that the original author and source are properly credited. Does the type of media one is exposed to influence social distancing behaviours and beliefs about COVID?

Essay Summary We evaluate the presence of misinformation and public health recommendations regarding COVID in a massive corpus of tweets as well as all articles published on nineteen Canadian news sites. Using these data, we show that preventative measures are more encouraged and covered on traditional news media, while misinformation appears more frequently on Twitter. To evaluate the impact of this greater level of misinformation, we conducted a nationally representative survey that included questions about common misperceptions regarding COVID, risk perceptions, social distancing compliance, and exposure to traditional news and social media.

We find that being exposed to news media is associated with fewer misperceptions and more social distancing compliance while conversely, social media exposure is associated with more misperceptions and less social distancing compliance.

Not only have researchers and practitioners attempted to describe different dimensions of the same "elephant," they have also examined elephants in herds of different age mixes, sex mixes, and settings.

Populations studied for classification of violence have included nationally representative samples of adults Gelles and Straus, and youth Elliott et al. Researchers and practitioners carrying out these classifications have been drawn from such diverse fields as biology, mathematics,. The variables they have measured have included self-reports of violent and other "deviant" behavior; reports by significant others teachers, spouses, peers of violent and deviant behavior; arrests, convictions, and incarcerations for violent behaviors; brain and other neurological abnormalities; and socioeconomic variables such as age, race, sex, education, and employment.

Researchers and practitioners who have different technical backgrounds or disciplinary orientations regularly disagree about the appropriateness of others' classifications, but this paper does not attempt to summarize all these variants and arguments.

Rather, a description is given of the major types of methods and measures and of congruent results that have emerged from using them. The examples chosen for presentation are not meant to be comprehensive but are illustrative of methods that have experienced continued application in research or practice. A large number of psychological tests provide rapid diagnoses for a spectrum of psychological abnormalities Corcoran and Fischer, by using simple univariate scaling techniques with demonstrated high reliability and validity.

A few of them identify persons with violent personalities, severe psychological problems, and persistent patterns of violence. Some examples follow. State-Trait Anger Scale Charles Spielberger and Perry London Respondents are asked to rank 15 specific statements as applicable to their own general feelings e.

Scaled responses are used to differentiate between anger as a state situational response and anger as a trait frequent anger over time , and to differentiate between angry temperament and angry reactions. These scales, which have been tested in normal populations, have excellent reliability. Problem Solving Inventory P. Paul Heppner Based on 35 items about individuals' general responses to problems e. Constructed and retested using populations of students and nonstudents, blacks and whites, a spectrum of adult age groups, and "normal" and institutionalized alcoholic subjects, tests of internal consistency have resulted in alphas of scales ranging from.

Index of Spouse Abuse Walter W. Hudson Based on respondents' ranking on a five-point scale of the frequency of events described in 30 items assigned weights e. Some standard psychological tests include measures of psychological or mental status associated with violent behavior, whereas other tests have been constructed specifically to classify violent persons.

In clinical or correctional settings, standard tests often supplement violence-specific tests. For example, children who have displayed violent behavior may score differently from other children on portions of the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children, the Bender Gestalt Test, the Rorschach, or the Thematic Apperception Test.

Observations of children's ability to concentrate on standard tests have also provided indicators of fluctuating attention spans that are symptomatic of neurological disorders and psychoses Lewis and Balla, Other standard psychological tests are administered specifically for diagnosing abnormal psychological states, including several syndromes characterized by violent behavior. Its applicability in criminal justice contexts is enhanced by the development of a set of MMPI. Published in , the MMPI was developed empirically for clinically classifying patients according to syndromes, primarily to determine treatment for a wide spectrum of behaviors Hathaway and McKinley, The MMPI questionnaire consists of short declarative sentences in the first person singular, such as "I generally am in good health.

In all, items cover 25 topics ranging from general health to phobias. After administration, yes or no responses to specific subsets of items are counted to obtain an individual's raw cumulative score on several scales. The raw scores on each scale are transformed into standard scores with a mean of 50 and a standard deviation of 10 and plotted on a standard profile sheet in which the heights of scores appear as "elevations.

Scores over 70 generally are thought to be clinically significant Butcher and Keller, The inmate typology, which has widespread use in correctional institutions Clements, , originally was developed by using MMPI profiles of a sample of youthful offenders in a federal prison Megaree, ; Megargee and Bohn, Statistical cluster analysis of the MMPI profiles was used to define 10 types of inmates.

By examining written institutional staff reports about inmates classified according to this MMPI typology, Megargee and Bohn determined the model characteristics of individuals belonging to the various MMPI types.

For example, Item the most prevalent type in general inmate populations is described as having these modal characteristics: "stable, effectively functioning well adjusted group with minimal problems, few authority conflicts. The MMPI types were also analyzed to see whether they were distinguishable in terms of the extent of violence displayed by their members in the crimes for which they were convicted.

The criterion measure was a researcher's ranking of violence as described in each person's presentence investigation report PSI for the crime of conviction. However, the types that scored the highest. Thus the classification does not appear to yield valid indicators for distinguishing inmates who were violent in situations outside penal institutions. Nonetheless, the typology reportedly has been useful for reducing institutional violence by segregating types that are predatory from types that are prone to victimization.

For example, violence within prisons appears to be reduced by segregating Deltas amoral, hedonistic, egocentric, bright and manipulative, poor relations with peers and authorities, impulsive, sensation seeking leads to frequent infractions from easily victimized inmates Megargee et al. The utility of the typology is limited by its complexity. Computer-programmed analyses of the MMPI scores were found to classify only two-thirds of the cases into the 10 types; the remaining classifications require clinical judgments for which interrater reliability is poor.

Attraction to Sexual Aggression ASA Scale The ASA scale Malamuth, instrument asks for respondents' rankings of attitudes and opinions about 13 sexual acts ranging from "necking" to rape and pedophilia. Respondents state whether or not they have ever thought about trying the activity and provide opinions on the attractiveness of the 13 acts, the percentage of males and the percentage of females who would find the acts sexually arousing, the extent to which the respondent would find the acts sexually arousing, and the likelihood of engaging in the acts if there were no negative social repercussions.

The dichotomous responses of whether or not the respondent ever thought of trying the activities are combined into the ASA scale by using multivariate scaling techniques; based on the other rankings, several different scales are constructed. A shorter version of the ASA instrument refers to six sexual behaviors.

The reliability and validity of both the long and the short versions of the instrument appear to be acceptable Malamuth, Comparisons with other measures of sexual aggression discussed below indicate that this scale, applied to sexually experienced men, will distinguish those who are high on sexual aggression and, applied to sexually inexperienced men, has some utility for assessing their potential future risk for sexual aggression.

The instrument's items enter into construction of several scales, including a item abuse scale. The instrument is self-administered, and respondents are asked to agree or disagree with statements. In addition to the diagnostic scales, items are also used to construct a lie scale. By using anonymous responses from a sample of parents identified by caseworkers as physical child abusers and referred to an at-risk parent-child program for treatment, in comparison with responses from a matched control group of parents who had been referred for other agency services, the scale was found to correctly classify The rates of correct classification were found to be higher when respondents who had a high lie scale score were omitted from classification Milner et al.

By using a lower cutoff score , overall classification rates were improved and false positives almost eliminated; however, the number of false negatives increased Milner and Wimberley, Milner and colleagues followed up of at-risk parents 10 refused who had one child under 6 months and no prior history of abuse.

Participants' child rearing behavior was monitored by the program staff. The analysis was limited to parent abuse as reported by program treatment staff within six months of program selection. Eleven reports of abuse were received for the participants. To summarize the findings Milner et al.

The 11 reported abusers, however, represent only As the authors recognized, it is difficult to know how to interpret these findings. These subjects were in treatment, so the treatment may have reduced the incidence of child abuse. Furthermore, some subjects dropped out of treatment, and other clients failed to attend all counseling sessions, but the data did not distinguish them Milner et al.

Although the instrument appears to be valid and reliable for identifying physically abusive parents needing treatment, a study of the practical uses of the instrument revealed that it was being applied for inappropriate purposes such as differentiating between physically abusive parents and neglectful parents Milner, In addition to considering psychological and psychosocial dimensions of violent behaviors, psychiatric classifications also assess organic disorders.

For example, DSM-III-R recommends classification on three dimensions: clinical symptoms and conditions that are the focus of attention or treatment but are not attributable to a mental disorder e. For research and for some clinical settings, two additional dimensions are recommended for evaluation: severity of psychosocial stressors and global assessment of functioning.

For each axis, practitioners are urged to provide assessments of their confidence in the evaluation. For example, intermittent explosive disorder, characterized by violent episodes, can only be used after ruling out "psychotic disorders, Organic Personality Syndrome, Antisocial and Borderline Personality Disorders, Conduct Disorder, or intoxication with a psychoactive substance" American Psychiatric Association, Although a primary diagnosis is recommended, the DSM-III-R classification provides for the occurrence of multiple, not necessarily discrete, disorders, and the editors Spitzer and Williams, stress that disorders rather than people are being classified.

The disorders are arranged hierarchically, with organic disorders given precedence over other types of disorders if the organic disorder is responsible for initiating and maintaining the disturbance and more pervasive disorders given precedence over less pervasive ones e. Organic personality syndrome usually due to structural damage to the brain e.

Late luteal phase dysphoric disorder women occurring a few days before or after onset of menstruation. Other categories available for classifying violent behavior include sexual sadism. Reportedly, fewer than 10 percent of rapists are classified in this category, which is categorized by fantasies, frequently beginning in childhood, and possibly including a history of sadistic acts increasing in severity over time.

Mood disorders are a residual category for classifying violent behavior not due to any other physical or mental disorder. Injurious behavior to the self or others may also be present in categories that are defined by other symptoms of elevated activity. Categories in the DSM-III-R were revised from early instruments the first instrument was published almost 40 years ago on the basis of clinical experience with early instruments; research conducted to test the validity and reliability of classification; and advancement of knowledge in psychology, medicine, and social psychology.

American Psychiatric Association members instrumental in constructing the current version of the instrument strongly caution that use of the classification scheme is appropriate only if it is a first step in diagnosis, carried out by a trained clinician who is sensitive to cultural differences, and used in clinical or research settings.

In particular, they caution against use of this instrument for legal decisions, especially in light of the acknowledged noncomprehensiveness of the classification categories. The primary purposes of correctional classification are to determine the level of security necessary for an inmate and the level of his or her needs for particular services or programs within the institution.

Level of security required is usually based on both public risk and institutional risk. Public risk is commonly assessed on the basis of information about the conviction crime, prior convictions for violent crimes, and history of institutional escapes. Institutional risk is assessed from information about prior institutional and custodial behaviors, psychological and mental.

In most states, information for risk classification is derived from presentence investigation reports, "rap sheets," and semistructured interviews with the inmates.

Classification typically is the clinical judgment of a correctional staff member, guided by the information obtained from these sources. Federal prisons and other prisons with a psychologist on staff may use standard psychological tests such as the MMPI described above or other multivariate scaled psychological tests; however, most jails and many prisons do not have the resources for extensive psychological or psychiatric testing of inmates for classification purposes Clements, Clinical predictions are classifications carried out to identify individuals at relatively high risk of committing a specific form of violent behavior, whether or not the behavior has previously occurred.

Their primary purpose generally is to permit adequate supervision or treatment that will prevent the anticipated violence. Classification can be based on a wide range of information, including factors additional to those specifically related to the individuals for whom risk is being assessed—for example, information about potential victims.

The clinical criteria developed by Ayoub and Jacewitz Ayoub et al. These include the following:. Biological alerts: premature infants, "difficult" infants, infants with complicating medical problems, mothers with illness, recent history of sibling illness, child's physical characteristics not meeting parental expectations. Juvenile Arrests Perhaps the best known classification of violent offenders—that used in the Philadelphia birth cohort studies—was based on the numbers and types of police contacts accrued by 10, boys born in Philadelphia in and by 28, boys and girls born in Wolfgang et al.

The findings of these seminal studies are now considered axiomatic:. Nonwhite youths are more likely to be arrested for violent crimes than white youths: nonwhites in the cohort were arrested 15 times more often than whites for violent crime; those in the cohort, 7 times more often.

A small subgroup of chronic offenders who were arrested for five or more offenses of any type constituted only 18 percent of the cohort but were arrested for 71 percent of the cohort's recorded murders, 73 percent of rapes, 82 percent of robberies, and 70 percent of aggravated assaults. The cohort has a smaller group of chronic offenders, but they had more violent arrests than the cohort's chronic offenders—independent of their race.

A more recent study using juvenile arrests for classification compared patterns of violent arrests among a sample of children identified in court as neglected or abused, with those of a matched control group of subjects Rivera and Widom, Essentially the same racial patterns were found as in the earlier cohort studies. Blacks were much more likely than whites to be arrested for crimes of violence both as juveniles and as adults. In this study, a large percentage of those who were violent early appeared to drop out of crime, but those who were persistently violent accumulated a relatively large number of arrests for a variety of crimes.

Among those ever arrested for a violent crime, 17 percent had both a juvenile arrest and an adult arrest; one-third of all subjects who were arrested for a violent crime as juveniles were not arrested as adults.

Those who were arrested for violence as both juveniles and adults had on the average been arrested Juvenile Referrals to Court A study based on the juvenile court records of 69, people born in Maricopa county, Arizona, and in Utah between and Snyder, found that approximately one-third of the sample was referred to juvenile court at least once.

Less than 1 percent of the sample referred to court was referred only for violent offenses, and among those referred four or more times, not one individual was referred only for violent offenses. However, although only 41 percent of referred youth had been referred a second time, more than 50 percent of those whose first referral was for robbery were returned. Official Records of Adult Defendants in Serious Crimes A study by Chaiken and Chaiken , b examined official record data available to prosecutors in two jurisdictions to learn which items of information most accurately identified offenders as high rate committing crimes frequently and dangerous committing violent crimes.

Although much of the information usually available to prosecutors was found useful for identifying high-rate dangerous offenders, other commonly used information proved misleading or ineffective for purposes of identification Chaiken and Chaiken, , b. The research compared official record information collected from case folders with defendants' self-reports of crimes including robberies and assaults.

The results indicated that although some existing guidelines for identifying high-rate dangerous offenders are valid and useful, more accurate use of official data entails a two-stage screening process.

In the first but not very accurate stage, defendants are tentatively classified as high rate or not high rate; in the second stage, those who pass the first-stage screen are classified as high-rate dangerous or not. All the studied indicators, taken together, were only weakly associated with high-rate offending.

A selection rule based on an attempt to predict high-rate offending was found to have very few false positives less than 2 percent of low-rate offenders in the sample would be classified as high-rate. However, the selection rule would have many false negatives; it would not identify most defendants who are actually high rate.

These were found to be much more powerful than personal characteristics e. Although numerous other valid indicators of dangerousness were found, five official-record items were together statistically nearly equal in value to using all valid indicators of high-rate dangerous offending in the study. Official Records of Prisoners Aside from the MMPI profiles described above, other information collected in prisoners' case records has been used by researchers to construct typologies of different types of offenders.

Numerous studies have shown that there are major differences between official-record information and prisoners' self-reports; neither source can be considered highly reliable Marquis and Ebener, ; Chaiken and Chaiken, More important, typologies constructed by using self-reports cannot be replicated by using only information about arrests and convictions recorded on rap sheets for the same individuals.

Although rap sheet information, by itself, does not appear to be useful in classifying prisoners, richer information collected by criminal justice and mental health agencies does seem to provide valid and reliable data for classifying violent prisoners. For example, data obtained from public psychiatric institutions and from presentence investigation reports has been used to classify prisoners in a typology that demonstrates clear differences between inmates with histories of mental health problems and those with none Toch and Adams, For inmates with mental health problems, differences appeared among those with substance abuse histories, those with psychiatric histories, and those with both.

Inmates with psychiatric histories were more likely than other inmates to be more serious frenzied violent offenders in terms of their conviction crimes, their chronicity of being arrested for violent crimes, and the extent of injury inflicted in their conviction crime. Inmates with substance abuse histories were more likely than other inmates to be ineffectual offenders who could not recall details of their crimes and behaved in a manner likely to lead to their arrest.

Based on cluster analyses, the largest subtype among the inmates with ''pure" mental health problems consisted of "chronic disturbed exploders" who characteristically had consistent and chronic histories of extreme and uncontrolled violence.

Among inmates with drug abuse treatment histories, the largest cluster. Typically, this is a "career criminal with a dossier of arrests dating to adolescence … who does well in prison … and invariably recidivates, graduating from less serious to more serious offenses" Toch and Adams, Among the inmates with neither substance abuse nor psychiatric histories, the largest subtype was the ''early career robbers": young men who had been convicted of violent offenses in the past, started committing robberies at an early age, and were likely to be imprisoned in the past and on parole or probation at the time they were arrested.

The types constructed in this study are congruent with those constructed by using self-reports of inmates discussed below. For examples, drug exploders may be analogous to violent predators, and chronic disturbed exploders may be analogous to the high-rate "mere" assaulters discussed below. Based on analysis of past cases, it distinguishes between disorganized asocial offenders and organized nonsocial offenders Holmes, The former type is below average in terms of intelligence, education, and social and employment skills, and is nocturnal and a loner.

The latter type is highly intelligent, sexually adequate, charming, and socially and occupationally mobile. The crime scene is used to provide evidence about the type of violent offender involved in the case, for example, whether the event appeared to be planned, restraints were used, the crime scene was controlled or chaotic, and the weapon was removed or left behind.

The resulting offender profile is used to assess actions that will be taken by the offender after the crime e. Similarly, based on analysis of information collected about mass murderers defined as persons who have killed four or more people , profiles of three types have been constructed Levin and Fox, ; Fox and Levin, One type commits numerous murders for economic gain, usually as adjunct to robbery, and may commit the murders either serially or in a simultaneous slaughter.

The other types commit multiple murders that are not incidental to robbery. The massacre murderer who simultaneously kills more than four people has been described as a person who does not fit any well-defined psychiatric class, although some rare cases involve serious mental disorders such as paranoia, in which victims are believed to be conspiring or voices are imagined to have suggested the crime.

Massacre murderers usually have difficulty coping with failures in their own lives—often committing suicide after the event. They attribute their own misfortunes, including loss of jobs or marital difficulties, to other people. They tend to be white males between 30 and 40 who use a gun; they usually are well trained in use of firearms and have done recreational shooting under stress in the past.

Typically they are loners with weak support systems who by themselves kill victims they know—family members or coworkers. Very few kill at random. Serial murderers, on the other hand, kill to fulfill sexual fantasies, for fun, or to feel important. The motives are expressive and not, like the massacre murderer, instrumental.

They rarely are recognized or diagnosed as having a serious mental disorder but frequently could be classified as having an antisocial or narcissistic personality by using DSM-III-R classifications. For the most part, they are methodical planners. They rarely use firearms and are most likely to commit strong-arm murders; stabbings are more common than gunshots but still are rare.

The serial murderers predominantly are white males and vary in age, although the modal age is around Their victims are usually strangers.

Self-Reports Collected Through Surveys of National Samples Self-reports of violent offenses based on national samples have helped confirm many findings about the classification of violent offenders based initially on small samples or criminal justice statistics. For example, a national sample of 2, individual family members was interviewed in person in and asked about the frequency of violent acts between various family members ranging from shoving to using a knife or firing a gun.



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